The May 1 clock: how the War Powers deadline works and what happened after it ran out
The administration started the 60-day War Powers clock itself on March 2. The resolution's tightest argument is what happened on days 61, 91 and beyond.
The strongest article in the resolution is not the one with the most casualties. It is Article III, and it is strong because the administration built the case against itself.
The clock
The War Powers Resolution of 1973 was passed over Richard Nixon's veto to answer one question: how long can a President fight without Congress? Section 4 says that when U.S. forces are introduced into hostilities, the President must report to Congress within 48 hours. Section 5(b) says that once that report is submitted, or was required to be, a 60-day clock starts. When it runs out, the President "shall terminate any use of United States Armed Forces" unless Congress has declared war, authorized the use of force, or extended the period by law. There is one escape hatch: the President may certify in writing that "unavoidable military necessity respecting the safety of United States Armed Forces" requires up to 30 more days to bring the troops home. Not to keep fighting. To leave.
What the administration did
Hostilities in Iran began February 28, 2026. On March 2, the President sent Congress a letter reporting the action "consistent with the War Powers Resolution," citing section 4 by number. That is the administration invoking the statute's reporting provision, and starting its own clock.
Sixty days from March 2 is May 1. According to the resolution, Congress did not declare war, did not authorize force, and did not extend the period. The President did not send the 30-day certification. And the war did not stop. Even if you spot the administration the 30 days it never asked for, that runs out June 1. The war did not stop then either. It is being fought today.
Why this article is hard to answer
The administration's defense of the war rests on the President's constitutional authority as commander in chief, and on the position that these operations either are not "hostilities" or fall within inherent Article II power. That is a real argument, and it is the one every administration since 1973 has made in some form. The trouble is that on March 2 this administration reported under the statute. You can argue that the War Powers Resolution is unconstitutional. It is harder to argue that it is unconstitutional after you have filed the paperwork it requires and let its clock run.
Article III also makes a narrower point that tends to get lost. The 30-day extension, where it exists, is for withdrawal. The resolution says the Department used the period after May 1 to pursue new military objectives, which is the opposite of what the extension permits. Whether or not you accept the larger argument, that one is about what the words say.
Then Congress used the off-switch
Section 5(c) lets Congress direct the removal of forces by concurrent resolution, which the President cannot veto. It had never been done by both chambers. On June 3 the House did it, and on June 23 the Senate did it. The resolution charges that on June 26 and every day since, the Department has continued hostilities in Iran anyway. That is Article II. The counter on our home page is counting those days.
Text of the statute: 50 U.S.C. chapter 33. The resolution's Article III: PDF, pages 7 to 11.
All claims attributed to "the resolution" are from the articles of impeachment introduced September 15, 2026 (PDF). They are allegations, not adjudicated findings. Secretary Hegseth denies wrongdoing.